This section lists my ongoing research projects. For my published research see the “Publications” section, or the “Public History” for my completed digital history projects.
City Builders: An Oral History of Postwar Immigrant Workers in Toronto’s Construction Industry – various outputs
I am the Principal Investigator of an oral history project funded by LiUNA Local 183, in association with the Robarts Centre for Canadian Studies’ Toronto Migration Memory Collective. With the help of two York University research assistants, we will conduct and film forty interviews with some of Local 183’s oldest members, focusing on the themes of immigration, construction, and labour organization in Toronto after the Second World War. We will also digitize relevant archival documents belonging to the interviewees. These materials, along with the video footage of the interviews, will be used to produce forty 3-5 minute videos about each subject; a 12-15 minute documentary; and a digital exhibition. Other potential outputs include a conference on the history of Toronto’s builders. The research component of this project will begin on September 2017. Its expected conclusion is September 2018.
Toronto the Bad: a history of riots in Canada’s “most fascinatingly boring” city* – digital map and journal article
This research project emerged out of an assignment that I gave my students in HIST4530 Development of Toronto course – a fourth-year course that I teach at York University – where they had to find, research, and write about a riot in Toronto’s past. Altogether, we I was able to find over eighty riots, big and small, throughout the city’s history. This seemingly high number contradicts the idea of a peaceful and dull “Toronto the Good,” and of Canada as a land of peace, order, and good governance, where differences have been negotiated through compromise, unlike our southern neighbours. Race, religion, political views, labour relations, social inequality, youth rebelliousness, have been the most common factors triggering these relatively short outburst of violence. In all of them, Toronto’s police forces have played a central role, as law and order enforcers, as violence instigators, or as passive bystanders. Toronto’s riot history is an important thread for weaving the story of its police forces, political rulers, inter-ethnic/racial relations, religious communities, and other significant historical agents. I have created a digital map and timeline with my ongoing research (a work in progress), which can be found here.
* Stephen Marche, “Welcome to the new Toronto: the most fascinatingly boring city in the world,” The Guardian, July 4, 2016, url: https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2016/jul/04/new-toronto-most-fascinatingly-boring-city-guardian-canada-week
When the anti-colonialist John F. Kennedy became the U. S. President in 1961, Portugal-US relations entered one of its most acrimonious periods in recent history. That year, dictator António Salazar faced the most difficult period in his 36-year rule over Portugal, including a series of high-profile revolutionary actions from the emboldened democratic opposition; the annexation of Portuguese territories in India by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru; and the outbreak of the Colonial Wars in Angola, later spreading to Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea. During this period, the Estado Novo dictatorship invested a great amount of resources towards shaping American public opinion into accepting Portugal’s “historical rights” in Africa, and its colonial wars as “a fight against Soviet imperialism.” Through indirect means, the Lisbon regime unleashed a large propaganda campaign in the U.S. by hiring American public relations firms, subsidizing influential American media outlets and reporters, and recruiting Portuguese-American lobbyists. In 1962, the Manhattan-based firm Selvage & Lee and its subsidiary Portuguese-American Committee on Foreign Affairs were able to persuade twelve Republican and Democratic congressmen – some representing districts with large Portuguese populations – to publicly criticize the U.S. State Department’s anti-colonialist policy towards the Portuguese empire. These lobbyists were later found to have received direct instructions and logistic support from Portuguese diplomats, in direct contravention with international regulations regarding the non-intervention of foreign officers in American domestic politics.
Invisible Cities: the Portuguese in Toronto – digital map
“Beware of saying to them that sometimes different cities follow one another on the same site and under the same name, born or dying without knowing one another, without communication among themselves,” Italo Calvino, Invisible Cities (1972). Inspired by the seminal work of Italo Calvino, and the later application to ethnic studies by the late Robert Harney, this research project seeks to produce a series of interactive historical maps of the Portuguese community’s mental map of Toronto from the 1950s to 1970s. For this, I will collect every non-residential address mentioned in the Portuguese-Canadian media in that period and cross-reference them with city directories and other sources. With the help of two students in the HIST4840 Public History course, who did their placements with the PCHP, I’ve been able to collect over 500 entries so far. Although there is much work still left to be done, the early data modelling already shows interesting patterns in the movement and growth of this community. This research will ultimately produce a digital exhibition, an academic publication, and be of research value for anyone interested in urban mobility and social geography.
War memory is an integral part of most national narratives, where military sacrifice is often considered indisputable proof of an individual’s devotion to his or her country. In a social, political, and economic culture that is heavily predicated on the pursuit of individual self-interest, war and the military occupy a pivotal place in American psyche, by allowing the cathartic expression of the otherwise unexpected communitarian values of fraternity and self-sacrifice. The celebration of dead combatants by the state is a process akin to secular canonization, one that is all the more powerful when the individual is stripped of his or her identity and becomes an ideological archetype. As Benedict Anderson noted, “No more arresting emblems of the modern culture of nationalism exist than cenotaphs and tombs of Unknown Soldiers… Yet void as these tombs are of identifiable mortal remains or immortal souls, they are nonetheless saturated with ghostly national imaginings.” Contrary to the national norm, ethnic leaders sometimes go to considerable lengths to (re)claim the ethnic identities of these homogenized national warriors, hoping the blood of their fallen ethnic peers can testify to their group’s full membership in the national community and put nativist fears of dual-loyalty to rest. This, however, is a departure from the official war memorialization sanctioned by the state, as it separates the particular from the whole.